I decided some time back that I was not going to let my academics as a graduating student get in the way of my education. This was why I decided today to listen to Alex Lacson and Adel Tamano's talk about nationalism. Once again I got to hear about the little things that Filipinos can do for the country, about national pride and how to uphold it in our everyday lives, and about the need to instill a culture of excellence in our country. That last part in particular struck me. What is it anyway with us Filipinos and pegging our aspirations too low?
I used to hear that our culture has a preoccupation with sadness and tragedy. I used to term this as the "kundiman mentality", as a reference to our poignant traditional music. We celebrate so many defeats in our history (assuming we remember to celebrate), but not enough victories. We dramatize with gusto the Passion of Christ, and forget that we have to live in His resurrection. We discuss so many bad things on the news, but we pass by the uplifting items despite some attempts to call our attention to them. We revel in the pain, the beauty of loss and suffering, and simply get up to go on, but we have never really set our eyes on the idea of eventually triumphing over our tragedies.
Or is it possible too that our culture is still one in anticipation, where hope and ideals are approaching but we still perceive them to be far from our grasp? Think about it. Rizal's great novel "El Filibusterismo" has a sort of 'pending' ending; there is no telling what happens to the young characters who survive the novel, or to the destiny of Simoun's vaunted treasure. We cling on to the promise of EDSA as we sing "Handog ng Pilipino sa Mundo", and still somehow we forget that the point of that entire upheaval was a beginning, a means to an end so to speak. We anticipate without acting, such that we have learned mainly to expect without really working for it, or realizing to the fullest the true cost of the sacrifices we are called to make.
If culture is supposed to be destiny, according to Lee Kuan Yew, what kind of destiny are we writing for ourselves?
Thursday, August 5, 2010
Monday, July 26, 2010
SONA 2010: not quite a statesman's speech
When it came to this year's SONA, I will admit that I was ready to keep my expectations low. After all, it has only been a month since President Noynoy Aquino was sworn into power. There have been many issues for the new administration to investigate and settle, and many needs that have come up in the last few weeks. Despite all of these things, I did expect to hear what President Aquino had planned for the first year of his six-year stay in office. I hoped too that he would address in some detail different areas that he had not tackled in his inauguration speech, such as environmental issues, agrarian reform, and foreign relations.
Because of these hopes, I made it a point to secure a computer, earphones, and a large cup of coffee just to be able to watch the SONA on a live streaming site. Never mind if I was missing out on the free ice cream being given out on campus. When the internet connection slowed down, I immediately headed to where the SONA was being shown on a live feed to a discussion group. Sad to say, once the video coverage ended, I found myself sending a message to my mother that read, "Non solution nouveau" ---French for "no new solutions".
In the past few hours, there have been many who have lauded President Aquino's speech for his use of Filipino, complete with very up-to-date expressions targeted for the masses. There are already those who have already noted the lack of attention given to issues such as environmental problems, labor rights, agrarian reform, the reviewing of the Philippines' foreign treaties, and even the state of our health care system. All of these observations were indeed brought up in the one class I had that evening, during which the professor described the SONA as being "quite idealistic".
In my opinion, perhaps the better way of describing the SONA 2010 is not simply as "idealistic" but perhaps as being "not appropriate for a statesman". I say this because of the quality of some of the statements in President Aquino's speech. While he did take effort to put into some detail a few plans such as the proposed Fiscal Responsibility Bill and the putting up of yet another expressway, a great part of his speech either revolves around the exposing the ills of the previous administration, or in the use of rhetoric to gain the people's trust and sympathy. This is all well and good...for someone who is "manning the barricades" or the leader of a small faction, but not for someone who has been elected to the country's top executive post.
The use of motherhood statements and sketchy outlines of future projects is one of the oldest tactics of politicians who hope to win public support without making concrete promises that could compromise their credibility should they fail to follow through. It is tempting to appeal to public sympathies in a myriad of ways: making positive direct comparisons of one's self versus his/her predecessors, calling on the people's need to unify, mentioning God, mentioning duty, etc. When one is trying to win the people, it is expected that issues will be omitted and glossed over, "to be addressed at a later time" or to give less opportunities for one's detractors to speak out. This is how demagogues throughout history have managed to captivate the public: by the use of stirring language, logical fallacies, and strategic omissions.
However today's speech was supposed to be a State of the Nation Address, a means for the President to outline the country's conditions and what he intends to do to uplift it. So far, he has not given much substantiation as to how he will do it (like who is going to fund that new expressway idea of his?), and more importantly, he has omitted key issues that previous Presidents have made a point to at least mention. President Aquino should not just be a leader of a few, or a speaker aiming to win the minds and hearts of the masses. He is supposed to be a statesman, one who will make plans for the state to function, one who will concretize political ideals into sustainable projects. President Aquino can and should hang on to his ideals as he pursues his public policies. However, in the name of accountability, as well as to win not just the hearts of the Filipinos, but as well as their willingness, their mindsets, and even their outlooks towards the future, he must make it clear how he intends to get the people involved in his projects.
So many Filipinos are good at sympathizing, but they are not as good in committing to the arena of civic involvement simply because they do not see how their leaders want to work for them and with them. Sad to say, President Aquino had this one day to turn this trend around, and channel the people's confidence to actual participation. Today was a missed opportunity. Hopefully President Aquino will realize this soon enough, before SONA 2011 comes around.
Because of these hopes, I made it a point to secure a computer, earphones, and a large cup of coffee just to be able to watch the SONA on a live streaming site. Never mind if I was missing out on the free ice cream being given out on campus. When the internet connection slowed down, I immediately headed to where the SONA was being shown on a live feed to a discussion group. Sad to say, once the video coverage ended, I found myself sending a message to my mother that read, "Non solution nouveau" ---French for "no new solutions".
In the past few hours, there have been many who have lauded President Aquino's speech for his use of Filipino, complete with very up-to-date expressions targeted for the masses. There are already those who have already noted the lack of attention given to issues such as environmental problems, labor rights, agrarian reform, the reviewing of the Philippines' foreign treaties, and even the state of our health care system. All of these observations were indeed brought up in the one class I had that evening, during which the professor described the SONA as being "quite idealistic".
In my opinion, perhaps the better way of describing the SONA 2010 is not simply as "idealistic" but perhaps as being "not appropriate for a statesman". I say this because of the quality of some of the statements in President Aquino's speech. While he did take effort to put into some detail a few plans such as the proposed Fiscal Responsibility Bill and the putting up of yet another expressway, a great part of his speech either revolves around the exposing the ills of the previous administration, or in the use of rhetoric to gain the people's trust and sympathy. This is all well and good...for someone who is "manning the barricades" or the leader of a small faction, but not for someone who has been elected to the country's top executive post.
The use of motherhood statements and sketchy outlines of future projects is one of the oldest tactics of politicians who hope to win public support without making concrete promises that could compromise their credibility should they fail to follow through. It is tempting to appeal to public sympathies in a myriad of ways: making positive direct comparisons of one's self versus his/her predecessors, calling on the people's need to unify, mentioning God, mentioning duty, etc. When one is trying to win the people, it is expected that issues will be omitted and glossed over, "to be addressed at a later time" or to give less opportunities for one's detractors to speak out. This is how demagogues throughout history have managed to captivate the public: by the use of stirring language, logical fallacies, and strategic omissions.
However today's speech was supposed to be a State of the Nation Address, a means for the President to outline the country's conditions and what he intends to do to uplift it. So far, he has not given much substantiation as to how he will do it (like who is going to fund that new expressway idea of his?), and more importantly, he has omitted key issues that previous Presidents have made a point to at least mention. President Aquino should not just be a leader of a few, or a speaker aiming to win the minds and hearts of the masses. He is supposed to be a statesman, one who will make plans for the state to function, one who will concretize political ideals into sustainable projects. President Aquino can and should hang on to his ideals as he pursues his public policies. However, in the name of accountability, as well as to win not just the hearts of the Filipinos, but as well as their willingness, their mindsets, and even their outlooks towards the future, he must make it clear how he intends to get the people involved in his projects.
So many Filipinos are good at sympathizing, but they are not as good in committing to the arena of civic involvement simply because they do not see how their leaders want to work for them and with them. Sad to say, President Aquino had this one day to turn this trend around, and channel the people's confidence to actual participation. Today was a missed opportunity. Hopefully President Aquino will realize this soon enough, before SONA 2011 comes around.
Monday, April 5, 2010
The free, the unequal, and anything but fraternal
The last few days have been basically full of major cognitive restructuring. Or in less psychological terms: thinking things over.
I will make a confession here: I am a citizen of my country, a patriot and advocate of the rights of the people...and unfortunately limited by virtue of having been counted among the 1% or so of the populace that can afford to finish a science degree in a university. Basically, I was raised among the elite. So naturally, many of my views and standpoints have been colored by this.
I was among those people who looked on with fear at the masses storming Mendiola days after former President Estrada was taken into custody. I turned up my nose with disgust at their behavior but mostly at their agitation to remove a president who was installed just a few months previously. What kind of country was this, where leaders could suffer from the shifting of loyalties of the great unwashed? I was twelve years old at that point, apt to be disdainful and self-serving. I thought I knew more than they ever could.
I am approaching my twenty-first birthday now. I have taken on the roles of a volunteer, student journalist, blogger, tutor, and other socially conscious names that a young woman can take. At various times, I approached these out of mere good will and good feeling, other times with the determination to improve the situation of those around me, and still on some occasions out of a sense of commitment to an ideal I called my country. Only on some occasions could I say that I truly understood, sympathized and considered myself in fraternity with the people around me---and even then only after plenty of time and effort. After all, there is some fear, apprehension, and distress that a pampered student can feel when being approached by a man with dirty hands, a woman with graying hair and a plastic cup, or an impetuous child hiding in santan bushes. Admittedly it takes time to get past these blockades in order to see the persons who deserve to stand hand in hand with us. What makes up this blockade? Fear of the unknown, perhaps. Fear of experiencing bodily harm or loss of personal property owing to negative experiences with unscrupulous individuals? Or perhaps pride---too much pride at being learned, gifted with opportunities, "wide" views, clean clothing, and full stomachs? We can make the mistake of thinking that we are born to such things, that we deserve such things. Are we really?
I was never aware of the barrier myself, till I began the long project of rereading and translating Victor Hugo's behemoth work "Les Miserables". I found myself reading up on and glorifying the struggles of the July Revolution leading up to 1832 and subsequent uprisings prior to 1848. I found myself sympathizing perfectly with the students and working men who raised the barricades of 1832 as a protest to the regime of Louis-Philippe. I could understand the republican sentiment, the anger at the denial of right, and the disappointment that fueled this uprising. I understood what Charles Jeanne had to be about. Yet somewhere in the middle of it all, I was confronted with this voice: "If you believe in 1832, what about EDSA Tres, an uprising too of the people?" I railed against this question, almost in an agony really.
Then I had to revisit my memoirs of that day, the first of May, 2001. Apart from being too young, I had been lacking in understanding. I knew that part of the blame for the event would necessarily have to lie with the rabble rousers (who are still enjoying the benefits of the politic) who raised and endangered the poor with their agenda. Could I blame the man who took several hundred pesos to be part of the mob...if it meant that he could feed his family? And could I blame those who were there out of true indignation, who felt that the government of EDSA Dos had betrayed them, or worse, had never been their government at all? Where was the will of the people, really? Did it lie in those who watched from the safety of walls and televisions, or the brazen throng that challenged a presidency they could not trust? Could I truly be angry at those who would want the political order turned on its side...when in a few years I would almost wish for it myself when the evidence of a certain damning phone call came to light? I had to come to the sobering conclusion that apart from my age, the reason I could not stand for EDSA Tres would be my lack of fraternity with those involved.
Would I still rush to the shrine and treat it the same way they had? Would I march to the Palace? Maybe not. But would I look on with disdain? Would I be so quick to point fingers and mock? Hopefully not. For a while, in January 2001, I too was a marcher, acting on emotion and anger, wanting nothing more than justice. Could I begrudge that to my countrymen in May 2001, simply because they were on the wrong side of a system?
We consider the aspirations and agendas of the underprivileged as being narrow, on the survival level, and petty. Yet the truth is, these are realities that our systems and leaders have failed, if not have had difficulty in addressing. Who are we to impose our lofty, "progressive" political philosophies and agendas on the poor if we cannot do the necessary thing of redeeming them from their difficulties and conditions? Why do we scorn the poor for putting their faiths in idols like former President Estrada who they perceive (even if mistakenly) as being able to redeem them from poverty? Have we tried to teach them to think otherwise? Or perhaps, have we put them in a condition to be able to consider such things? The elite can afford to ponder and debate questions of trade, policy, and economics because their needs are already addressed. We talk about development when our impoverished neighbor is in need of sustenance. We cannot expect a person to walk when her or she still has yet to find the strength and nourishment to stand up.
It is April 2010. Nine long years since those days. And I cannot yet find one prospective leader who will truly champion the cause of fraternity in this country. I am not sure what it will take for someone to truly rise from the masses, to guide them and educate them properly so that the will of the people may truly prosper in the direction of hope and progress. I am not sure what sort of leader it will be who can dispel the myopia of the rich and powerful, to force them to consider alternatives to this country's future besides the status quo, band-aid solutions, and the service of their own interests.
After all, this is meant to be the Republic of the Philippines, the nation of the Filipinos...and not just of a few families, or the Congress, or the 15th President of the Philippines beginning June 30, 2010.
God be with our country this May 2010.
I will make a confession here: I am a citizen of my country, a patriot and advocate of the rights of the people...and unfortunately limited by virtue of having been counted among the 1% or so of the populace that can afford to finish a science degree in a university. Basically, I was raised among the elite. So naturally, many of my views and standpoints have been colored by this.
I was among those people who looked on with fear at the masses storming Mendiola days after former President Estrada was taken into custody. I turned up my nose with disgust at their behavior but mostly at their agitation to remove a president who was installed just a few months previously. What kind of country was this, where leaders could suffer from the shifting of loyalties of the great unwashed? I was twelve years old at that point, apt to be disdainful and self-serving. I thought I knew more than they ever could.
I am approaching my twenty-first birthday now. I have taken on the roles of a volunteer, student journalist, blogger, tutor, and other socially conscious names that a young woman can take. At various times, I approached these out of mere good will and good feeling, other times with the determination to improve the situation of those around me, and still on some occasions out of a sense of commitment to an ideal I called my country. Only on some occasions could I say that I truly understood, sympathized and considered myself in fraternity with the people around me---and even then only after plenty of time and effort. After all, there is some fear, apprehension, and distress that a pampered student can feel when being approached by a man with dirty hands, a woman with graying hair and a plastic cup, or an impetuous child hiding in santan bushes. Admittedly it takes time to get past these blockades in order to see the persons who deserve to stand hand in hand with us. What makes up this blockade? Fear of the unknown, perhaps. Fear of experiencing bodily harm or loss of personal property owing to negative experiences with unscrupulous individuals? Or perhaps pride---too much pride at being learned, gifted with opportunities, "wide" views, clean clothing, and full stomachs? We can make the mistake of thinking that we are born to such things, that we deserve such things. Are we really?
I was never aware of the barrier myself, till I began the long project of rereading and translating Victor Hugo's behemoth work "Les Miserables". I found myself reading up on and glorifying the struggles of the July Revolution leading up to 1832 and subsequent uprisings prior to 1848. I found myself sympathizing perfectly with the students and working men who raised the barricades of 1832 as a protest to the regime of Louis-Philippe. I could understand the republican sentiment, the anger at the denial of right, and the disappointment that fueled this uprising. I understood what Charles Jeanne had to be about. Yet somewhere in the middle of it all, I was confronted with this voice: "If you believe in 1832, what about EDSA Tres, an uprising too of the people?" I railed against this question, almost in an agony really.
Then I had to revisit my memoirs of that day, the first of May, 2001. Apart from being too young, I had been lacking in understanding. I knew that part of the blame for the event would necessarily have to lie with the rabble rousers (who are still enjoying the benefits of the politic) who raised and endangered the poor with their agenda. Could I blame the man who took several hundred pesos to be part of the mob...if it meant that he could feed his family? And could I blame those who were there out of true indignation, who felt that the government of EDSA Dos had betrayed them, or worse, had never been their government at all? Where was the will of the people, really? Did it lie in those who watched from the safety of walls and televisions, or the brazen throng that challenged a presidency they could not trust? Could I truly be angry at those who would want the political order turned on its side...when in a few years I would almost wish for it myself when the evidence of a certain damning phone call came to light? I had to come to the sobering conclusion that apart from my age, the reason I could not stand for EDSA Tres would be my lack of fraternity with those involved.
Would I still rush to the shrine and treat it the same way they had? Would I march to the Palace? Maybe not. But would I look on with disdain? Would I be so quick to point fingers and mock? Hopefully not. For a while, in January 2001, I too was a marcher, acting on emotion and anger, wanting nothing more than justice. Could I begrudge that to my countrymen in May 2001, simply because they were on the wrong side of a system?
We consider the aspirations and agendas of the underprivileged as being narrow, on the survival level, and petty. Yet the truth is, these are realities that our systems and leaders have failed, if not have had difficulty in addressing. Who are we to impose our lofty, "progressive" political philosophies and agendas on the poor if we cannot do the necessary thing of redeeming them from their difficulties and conditions? Why do we scorn the poor for putting their faiths in idols like former President Estrada who they perceive (even if mistakenly) as being able to redeem them from poverty? Have we tried to teach them to think otherwise? Or perhaps, have we put them in a condition to be able to consider such things? The elite can afford to ponder and debate questions of trade, policy, and economics because their needs are already addressed. We talk about development when our impoverished neighbor is in need of sustenance. We cannot expect a person to walk when her or she still has yet to find the strength and nourishment to stand up.
It is April 2010. Nine long years since those days. And I cannot yet find one prospective leader who will truly champion the cause of fraternity in this country. I am not sure what it will take for someone to truly rise from the masses, to guide them and educate them properly so that the will of the people may truly prosper in the direction of hope and progress. I am not sure what sort of leader it will be who can dispel the myopia of the rich and powerful, to force them to consider alternatives to this country's future besides the status quo, band-aid solutions, and the service of their own interests.
After all, this is meant to be the Republic of the Philippines, the nation of the Filipinos...and not just of a few families, or the Congress, or the 15th President of the Philippines beginning June 30, 2010.
God be with our country this May 2010.
Tuesday, March 2, 2010
a look at the automated election process
Actually this is mainly a reaction to a whole section of the Philippine Daily Inquirer from March 1 (check section H1-H4). Hopefully Inquirer.net will put up relevant features of this section some time soon.
Top features of this section include:
-A step-by-step description flow of the automated election process: from the time the Board of Election Inspectors opens the PCOS machines up to the sending and processing of results (article by Kristine Alave)
-An article (by Marlon Ramos) about the views of an IT expert Gus Lagman on this scenario: what if the queues on May 10, 2010 prove to be so long that by 6:00pm, a lot of people have not yet voted. Would there be a contingency for this scenario? Or will this mean mass disenfranchisement?
-An article (by Kristine Alave) featuring more IT experts Jaime Garchitorena (of Youthvote Philippines) as well as Jun Lozada, discussing the fears of possible manipulations and bugaboos in the IT program being used for the election.
-A contribution by Winston A. Marbella about the use of surveys in campaigns, and why surveys can end up making the electoral process seem like a horse race (betting on the top runner) as opposed to a matter of dealing with issues.
This section is definitely one for us young voters to consider. For first-timers like me, we happen to be experiencing a double-whammy: first time automated elections during a crucial point (the ending of a 10-year regime). The implications of this scenario are massive
Here follow my reactions, one by one per article
On "Election in the Time of Automation" by Alave : Suddenly this makes the "May bilog na hugis itlog" ad sound so inadequate to describe the electoral process. There are tons of steps before and after the actual shading; all of which will take more than the 2-3 minutes supposedly being allocated per voter. And that is assuming that everyone knows what to do. Perhaps the COMELEC can do a lot more than just mailing sample ballots to the voters; providing better flow of the crowd during election day, or having a manual backup would be a good idea.
Another implication in this article is in the new role of pollwatchers in the automated scenarios. Traditionally, pollwatchers kept track of the tallies ongoing in classrooms and canvassing centers, guarded ballot boxes and made sure that they were delivered safely to the COMELEC authorities. They also kept a lookout for flying voters and other possible dirty tricks in precincts. In an automated scenario, where all the counting and canvassing is done digitally, pollwatchers will have to find other ways to keep up their quick counts. They will have to change the way they watch over the precincts, particularly in their manner of working with the other personnel manning the process. Pollwatchers as of now cannot do much about possible electoral fraud---the possibilities range from hidden programming in the machines, all the way to outright mechanical destruction by dirtying ballots. Pollwatching groups ought to train their volunteers to spot these tricks, without violating the secrecy of the individual ballots.
On "1000 voters to 1 machine in 11 hours not enough"by Ramos and "What Can Go Wrong" by Alave: These articles explore fears regarding several "bangungot"-worthy possibilities come election day, such as mass disenfranchisement, and manipulation of results. Jun Lozada makes a valid point by citing the lack of a system of receipts issued to voters after they put their ballots in the machine. How is anyone to really know that his or her vote was the one truly counted in the machine? Receipts could also be a way to safeguard against flying voters or other possible shenanigans in the precinct. It is surprising that the COMELEC hasn't thought of this yet.
The scenario though of voters not being accommodated by 6pm is even scarier. Now I do wonder if the COMELEC can have a way of monitoring the flow of people in different precincts so as to make any necessary adjustments to allow maximum voter coverage. Otherwise, things could go awry (possible scenarios range from riots among the voters to election results protests). Ideally people would go early to the precinct to get their votes in, but there's no guaranteeing this.
On "When Horse Races Surpass Issues" by Marbella: Ah those surveys: currently a bone of contention even among the intelligentsia. A good friend of mine (an Advertising major) made a good point in saying that surveys should NOT be published during campaign season, since the bandwagon that surveys cause can seriously be manipulated by any campaign-savvy individual to sway the vote. Anyone who's ever done his or her own statistics can enumerate ways to get "desirable" figures: surveying only certain populations, adjusting error levels, skewing distributions, outright elimination of data, etc. And yet our media and campaign personnel STILL insist on using surveys. I agree with Marbella's statement that surveys can reduce the electoral process into being a horse race. It becomes so much easier to back the perceived winning candidates than to back the candidates who will really run the country.
I had a particularly educational evening/cup of coffee while reading this set of articles. Food for thought for the first-timers, as well as seasoned voters. The automated election system have opened up a terra incognita for the Philippine electorate; a land that may just as well be as full of pitfalls as the process we are used to.
Top features of this section include:
-A step-by-step description flow of the automated election process: from the time the Board of Election Inspectors opens the PCOS machines up to the sending and processing of results (article by Kristine Alave)
-An article (by Marlon Ramos) about the views of an IT expert Gus Lagman on this scenario: what if the queues on May 10, 2010 prove to be so long that by 6:00pm, a lot of people have not yet voted. Would there be a contingency for this scenario? Or will this mean mass disenfranchisement?
-An article (by Kristine Alave) featuring more IT experts Jaime Garchitorena (of Youthvote Philippines) as well as Jun Lozada, discussing the fears of possible manipulations and bugaboos in the IT program being used for the election.
-A contribution by Winston A. Marbella about the use of surveys in campaigns, and why surveys can end up making the electoral process seem like a horse race (betting on the top runner) as opposed to a matter of dealing with issues.
This section is definitely one for us young voters to consider. For first-timers like me, we happen to be experiencing a double-whammy: first time automated elections during a crucial point (the ending of a 10-year regime). The implications of this scenario are massive
Here follow my reactions, one by one per article
On "Election in the Time of Automation" by Alave : Suddenly this makes the "May bilog na hugis itlog" ad sound so inadequate to describe the electoral process. There are tons of steps before and after the actual shading; all of which will take more than the 2-3 minutes supposedly being allocated per voter. And that is assuming that everyone knows what to do. Perhaps the COMELEC can do a lot more than just mailing sample ballots to the voters; providing better flow of the crowd during election day, or having a manual backup would be a good idea.
Another implication in this article is in the new role of pollwatchers in the automated scenarios. Traditionally, pollwatchers kept track of the tallies ongoing in classrooms and canvassing centers, guarded ballot boxes and made sure that they were delivered safely to the COMELEC authorities. They also kept a lookout for flying voters and other possible dirty tricks in precincts. In an automated scenario, where all the counting and canvassing is done digitally, pollwatchers will have to find other ways to keep up their quick counts. They will have to change the way they watch over the precincts, particularly in their manner of working with the other personnel manning the process. Pollwatchers as of now cannot do much about possible electoral fraud---the possibilities range from hidden programming in the machines, all the way to outright mechanical destruction by dirtying ballots. Pollwatching groups ought to train their volunteers to spot these tricks, without violating the secrecy of the individual ballots.
On "1000 voters to 1 machine in 11 hours not enough"by Ramos and "What Can Go Wrong" by Alave: These articles explore fears regarding several "bangungot"-worthy possibilities come election day, such as mass disenfranchisement, and manipulation of results. Jun Lozada makes a valid point by citing the lack of a system of receipts issued to voters after they put their ballots in the machine. How is anyone to really know that his or her vote was the one truly counted in the machine? Receipts could also be a way to safeguard against flying voters or other possible shenanigans in the precinct. It is surprising that the COMELEC hasn't thought of this yet.
The scenario though of voters not being accommodated by 6pm is even scarier. Now I do wonder if the COMELEC can have a way of monitoring the flow of people in different precincts so as to make any necessary adjustments to allow maximum voter coverage. Otherwise, things could go awry (possible scenarios range from riots among the voters to election results protests). Ideally people would go early to the precinct to get their votes in, but there's no guaranteeing this.
On "When Horse Races Surpass Issues" by Marbella: Ah those surveys: currently a bone of contention even among the intelligentsia. A good friend of mine (an Advertising major) made a good point in saying that surveys should NOT be published during campaign season, since the bandwagon that surveys cause can seriously be manipulated by any campaign-savvy individual to sway the vote. Anyone who's ever done his or her own statistics can enumerate ways to get "desirable" figures: surveying only certain populations, adjusting error levels, skewing distributions, outright elimination of data, etc. And yet our media and campaign personnel STILL insist on using surveys. I agree with Marbella's statement that surveys can reduce the electoral process into being a horse race. It becomes so much easier to back the perceived winning candidates than to back the candidates who will really run the country.
I had a particularly educational evening/cup of coffee while reading this set of articles. Food for thought for the first-timers, as well as seasoned voters. The automated election system have opened up a terra incognita for the Philippine electorate; a land that may just as well be as full of pitfalls as the process we are used to.
Monday, February 22, 2010
Party List Candidates
FYI to my fellow first time voters:
-Apart from picking your district representative (your congressman/congresswoman), you are also entitled to pick ONE party-list group for Congress.
-What is a party-list? A party list is basically a large interest group representing different causes and sectors in society (labor groups, youth, women, LGBT, environment, etc). Party list winners are given a seat in the Lower House to be among the representatives for legislation, etc. Basically party-list representatives do not stand for areas, but rather for groups.
-The full list of Party List candidates can be found in the COMELEC website, or follow this link:
The Party List page
-Apart from picking your district representative (your congressman/congresswoman), you are also entitled to pick ONE party-list group for Congress.
-What is a party-list? A party list is basically a large interest group representing different causes and sectors in society (labor groups, youth, women, LGBT, environment, etc). Party list winners are given a seat in the Lower House to be among the representatives for legislation, etc. Basically party-list representatives do not stand for areas, but rather for groups.
-The full list of Party List candidates can be found in the COMELEC website, or follow this link:
The Party List page
Sunday, February 21, 2010
Victor Hugo had some good ideas
One of my favorite books of all time is "Les Miserables" by Victor Hugo. While he wrote the book partly to depict and admonish his fellow citizens in 19th century France, his ideas are somehow applicable even to our present situation. To further illustrate his point, I have taken the liberty of translating one chapter of the novel into Filipino. If we put our hearts and wills into change (not necessarily necessitating bloodshed), we can "realize the ideal". I have posted the Filipino version before the English. Note the parts I put in bold lettering. Text taken from Project Gutenberg and the MacAfee-Fahnestock translations.
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
Ang Kinabukasan Na Makikita Mula sa Tuktok ng Barikada
Ang mga pangyayari sa nasabing mapanganib na oras at ang mismong walang awang lugar ay mismong sanhi at wakas sa mapanglaw na kalooban ni Enjolras.
Na kay Enjolras ang galaw ng rebolusyon, ngunit siya ay may pagkukulang, ang pagkukulang na nakikita sas masyadong mga lubos. Mas nakikita si Saint-Just sa kanyang katauhan, at kulang naman yung kay Anacharsis Cloots. Pero sa kanyang pananaw, ang samahan ng mga Kaibigan ng mga ABC ay nagtatapos sa pagkakaroon ng isang paglalawak mula sa mga paniniwala ni Combeferre. Sa mga nagdaang mga panahon, dahan-dahan siyang lumilisan sa makitid na landas ng dogma at lalong pumapanig naman sa mas malawak na impluensya ng kaunlaran. Tanggap na niya bilang bahagi ng isang dakilang ebolusyon ang pagsulong mula sa Kahanga-hangang Republika ng Pranses sa mas malaking republiko ng sangkatauhan. Pag dating naman sa pinakakailangan na paraan na mamahagi sa karahasan, gusto niya na tumuloy sa pakikibaka. Sa punto na yon, di siya nagbago at kasapi pa rin siya sa magiting at matatag na pananaw na mabubod sa salitang “Eighty-Three”. Nakatayo si Enjolras sa hagdanan na gawa sa mga bato, pinapatong ang isa niyang siko sa hawakan ng kanyang baril. Malalim ang kanyang pagmuni-muni, at siya ay nanginig, parang may nahulaan. Ang lugar na panay kamatayan ay may ganitong epekto ng mga tripod. May isang nanahimik na alab sa kanyang mga mata na parang tumitingin paloob. Maya-maya, tumaas ang kanyang noo, at ang kanyang gintuang buhok ay nagmistulang sa buhok ng mga anghel. Siya ay nagbigkas:
“Mga mamamayan, ang inyong kinabukasan ba inyong minamasdan? Ang lansagan ng ating mga lungsod ay puno ng liwanag, mga luntiang sanga sa bahay-bahay, magkakapatid ang mga bansa, makatarungan mga tao, ang mga matatanda binibiyayaan mga bata, ang nakaraan nagmamahal sa kasalukuyan, may kalayaan sa pagiisip, ang mga nananampalataya pantay-pantay, ang rehilyon ay langit, Diyos ang siyang pari, konsensya ng tao ay banal, wala nang alitan, ang kapatiran ng mga trabaho at paaralan, katanyagan ang nagiisang parusa at gantimpala, trabaho para sa lahat, karapatan para sa lahat, kapayapaan para sa lahat, wala nang pagdanak ng dugo, wala nang digmaan, at masasayang mga ina! Ang paglupig sa mga bagay-bagay ay ang unang hakbang lamang, ang pangalawa naman ay ang pagsakatuparan ng nararapat.Balikan ang mga nagawa ng pagsulong. Dati, takot ang mga sinaunang tao na minamasdan ang hydra, ang kanyang hininga sa katubigan, ang dragon na nagsusuka ng apoy, ang griffin na dambuhala ng himpapawid, at lumilipad na may pakpak ng agila at paa ng tigre, mga nakakatakot na hayop na nanghahari sa tao. Pero ang tao ay gumawa ng bitag hango sa kanyang katalinuhan, at naamo niya itong mga dambuhala. Tinalo natin ang hydra, at ang tawag natin sa kanya ay tren. Matatalo rin natin ang griffin, hawak na natin at ipinangalan na natin na lobo. Sa panahon na natapos natin itong gawain na nararapat kay Prometheus, at ang tao ay ganap na naisingkaw ang tatluhang Chimaera ng nakaraan, ang hydra, dragon, at griffin, siya na ang amo ng tubig, apoy, at hangin, at para sa mga ibang kumikilos na nilikha, siya ang magiging kung ano sa kanya dati ang mga naglaho na mga poon. Tibayin natin mga loob at sulong pa!
"Mga mamamayan, saan ba tayo tutungo? Papunta sa agham na naging pamahalaan, ang mismong pwersa ng mga bagay-bagay ang siyang tumutulak sa publiko , sa natural na batas na may likas na batayan at parusa na pinapatibay pa ng ebidensya, at sa bukang-liwayway ng katotohanan na katumbas na rin sa bukang-liwayway ng araw. Sumusulong tayo patungo sa pagiisang-dibdib mga lahi, umaasenso tayo patungo sa pagkakaisa ng sangkatauhan. Ang mga sibilisasyon ay magpupulong una sa tuktok ng Europa, tapos rin sa gitna ng mga kontinento, isang malawak na parliamento ng mga isip. Dati may nangyari na parang ganito. Dalawang beses sa isang taon nagpupulong ang mga amphictyon, una sa Delphos na trono ng mga poon, at yung pangalawa sa
"Hindi na mauulit ang kasaysayan ng dati, hindi na mangyayari na parang sa kasalukuyan, pangamba dahil sa pagsasakop at paglulupig, ang pag-agaw sa kapangyarihan, ang pagiging karibal mga bansa na hawak ng sandata, ang panggulo ng sibilisasyon dahil sa pag-aasawa ng mga kaharian, o ang pagsilang sa minamanang mga tyranismo, o ang paghati ng mga tao dahil sa isang kongreso, o ang pagwawatak dahil sa pagbagsak ng isang pamilya, ang paglaban ng dalawang naghaharapan na rehilyon, parang dalawang usa sa dilim, sa tulay ng walang hanggan. Hindi na tayo matatakot sa paggutom, pagkakalayo para magtrabaho, prostitusyon dahil sa karalitan, poot mula sa pagkawalan ng trabaho at pagkaroon ng pagbitay, karahasan, laban, at ang walang-bahalang kilos ng tadhana sa gubat ng mga panahon. May magsasabi na wala nang mga pangyayari. Lahat naman tayo ay mapayapa. Matutupad ng sangkatauhan ang kanyang batas sa paraan na tinutupad nitong mundo ang sarili niyang batas, babalik ang pagkakatugunan ng kaluluwa sa mga tala, lalapit ang kaluluwa sa katotohahan tila ang planeta na umiiikot sa liwanag. Mga kaibigan, nitong panahon na inilalaan ko ang mga ito ay isang malubhang panahon, pero ito ang nakakatakot na halaga ng ating kinabukasan. Ang rebolusyon ay mabigat na alay. O, ililigtas ang sangkatauhan, itataas, at mahihilom! Itinataguyod natin ito sa ating barikada. Saan pa ba manggagaling nitong sigaw ng pagmamahal, kung hindi mula sa kataasan ng pagsasakripisyo? Aking mga kapatid, ito na ang punto ng pagbabago, para sa mga may malay at para sa mga naghihirap; itong barikada ay hindi gawa sa mga bato, o mga kahoy, o mga pirasong bakal. Ito ay binuo ng dalawang tumpok: tumpok ng mga kaisipan, at tumpok ng pagdurusa. Dito nagkikita ang pagluluksa sa nararapat. Niyayakap ng araw ang gabi at nagsasabi, ‘Ako ay papanaw, at ikaw ay sabay ko ulit na masisilang’. Mula sa yakap ng pagdadalamahati ay lumulusong naman ang panananampalataya. Dito dinadala ng mga pagdurusa ang kanilang mga hinagpis, at mga ideya naman ang kanilang walang-hangganan na buhay. Magsasama pa lang itong hinagpis at walang-hangganan na buhay para mabuo ang ating pagpapanaw. Mga kapatid, ang sinuman mamatay dito ay papanaw sa liwanag ng kinabukasan, at papasok tayo sa puntod na puno naman ng bukang-liwayway.”
Napahinto si Enjolras sa halip ng nanahimik. Gumagalaw pa rin ang kanyang mga labi parang nagpapahayag sa kanyang sarili, at siya ay minamasdan ng lahat para marinig kung ano pang ang kanyang sinasabi. Walang pumalakpak, pero matagal sila nagbulong-bulungan. Kung ang pagsalita ay parang hininga, ang pagkaluskos ng malay ay tila kaluskos ng mga dahon.
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
The situation of all in that fatal hour and that pitiless place, had as result and culminating point Enjolras' supreme melancholy.
Enjolras bore within him the plenitude of the revolution; he was incomplete, however, so far as the absolute can be so; he had too much of Saint-Just about him, and not enough of Anacharsis Cloots; still, his mind, in the society of the Friends of the A B C, had ended by undergoing a certain polarization from Combeferre's ideas; for some time past, he had been gradually emerging from the narrow form of dogma, and had allowed himself to incline to the broadening influence of progress, and he had come to accept, as a definitive and magnificent evolution, the transformation of the great French Republic, into the immense human republic. As far as the immediate means were concerned, a violent situation being given, he wished to be violent; on that point, he never varied; and he remained of that epic and redoubtable school which is summed up in the words: "Eighty-three." Enjolras was standing erect on the staircase of paving-stones, one elbow resting on the stock of his gun. He was engaged in thought; he quivered, as at the passage of prophetic breaths; places where death is have these effects of tripods. A sort of stifled fire darted from his eyes, which were filled with an inward look. All at once he threw back his head, his blond locks fell back like those of an angel on the sombre quadriga made of stars, they were like the mane of a startled lion in the flaming of an halo, and Enjolras cried:
"Citizens, do you picture the future to yourselves? The streets of cities inundated with light, green branches on the thresholds, nations sisters, men just, old men blessing children, the past loving the present, thinkers entirely at liberty, believers on terms of full equality, for religion heaven, God the direct priest, human conscience become an altar, no more hatreds, the fraternity of the workshop and the school, for sole penalty and recompense fame, work for all, right for all, peace over all, no more bloodshed, no more wars, happy mothers! To conquer matter is the first step; to realize the ideal is the second. Reflect on what progress has already accomplished. Formerly, the first human races beheld with terror the hydra pass before their eyes, breathing on the waters, the dragon which vomited flame, the griffin who was the monster of the air, and who flew with the wings of an eagle and the talons of a tiger; fearful beasts which were above man. Man, nevertheless, spread his snares, consecrated by intelligence, and finally conquered these monsters. We have vanquished the hydra, and it is called the locomotive; we are on the point of vanquishing the griffin, we already grasp it, and it is called the balloon. On the day when this Promethean task shall be accomplished, and when man shall have definitely harnessed to his will the triple Chimaera of antiquity, the hydra, the dragon and the griffin, he will be the master of water, fire, and of air, and he will be for the rest of animated creation that which the ancient gods formerly were to him. Courage, and onward"
"Citizens, whither are we going? To science made government, to the force of things become the sole public force, to the natural law, having in itself its sanction and its penalty and promulgating itself by evidence, to a dawn of truth corresponding to a dawn of day. We are advancing to the union of peoples; we are advancing to the unity of man. No more fictions; no more parasites. The real governed by the true, that is the goal. Civilization will hold its assizes at the summit of
"Then, there will be nothing more like the history of old, we shall no longer, as to-day, have to fear a conquest, an invasion, a usurpation, a rivalry of nations, arms in hand, an interruption of civilization depending on a marriage of kings, on a birth in hereditary tyrannies, a partition of peoples by a congress, a dismemberment because of the failure of a dynasty, a combat of two religions meeting face to face, like two bucks in the dark, on the bridge of the infinite; we shall no longer have to fear famine, farming out, prostitution arising from distress, misery from the failure of work and the scaffold and the sword, and battles and the ruffianism of chance in the forest of events. One might almost say: There will be no more events. We shall be happy. The human race will accomplish its law, as the terrestrial globe accomplishes its law; harmony will be re-established between the soul and the star; the soul will gravitate around the truth, as the planet around the light. Friends, the present hour in which I am addressing you, is a gloomy hour; but these are terrible purchases of the future. A revolution is a toll. Oh! the human race will be delivered, raised up, consoled! We affirm it on this barrier. Whence should proceed that cry of love, if not from the heights of sacrifice? Oh my brothers, this is the point of junction, of those who think and of those who suffer; this barricade is not made of paving-stones, nor of joists, nor of bits of iron; it is made of two heaps, a heap of ideas, and a heap of woes. Here misery meets the ideal. The day embraces the night, and says to it: `I am about to die, and thou shalt be born again with me.' From the embrace of all desolations faith leaps forth. Sufferings bring hither their agony and ideas their immortality. This agony and this immortality are about to join and constitute our death. Brothers, he who dies here dies in the radiance of the future, and we are entering a tomb all flooded with the dawn."
Enjolras paused rather than became silent; his lips continued to move silently, as though he were talking to himself, which caused them all to gaze attentively at him, in the endeavor to hear more. There was no applause; but they whispered together for a long time. Speech being a breath, the rustling of intelligences resembles the rustling of leaves.
Monday, February 15, 2010
Candidate Personals Ad
WANTED FOR THE COUNTRY: A CANDIDATE WHO HAS THE MEANS AND THE HEART TO ADDRESS:
1. Educational Reform: Implementing standards for achievement tests--and requiring our schools and students to meet these standards. Making primary education compulsory. Offering incentives to keep children in school. Adding an extra year to our educational system to bring our standards up to international requirements. Improving technical-vocational education options to pursuing university education. Improving the qualifications of our public school teachers. Making sure that textbooks meet international standards!
2. Health System Reform: Accessibility to basic medical services in rural areas. Educating communities in basic health care. Giving incentives (continuing development, better hospitals, etc) to make the best of our young doctors and nurses stay in the Philippines! Licensing and monitoring our health service providers. Promoting natural/herbal medicines (and research on these substances) in lieu of resorting constantly to synthetic drugs.
3. Proper approaches to reproductive health issues: Promoting natural family planning instead of contraceptives. Educating the masses about natural family planning and the need to properly space/plan births. Getting it straight that we do not have a population problem, but rather we have a density problem in the cities---thus furthering the drive to improve rural areas so as to decongest urban neighborhoods. Revising the approach to sex education: emphasis on values and personal development instead of focusing solely on contraceptives, anatomy, and the sex act.
4. Promotion of mental wellbeing: Promoting awareness and understanding of psychological conditions in order to foster understanding and support in communities. Offering opportunities for people with learning impairments and other mental disorders to be able to cope with the effects of their conditions and enhance their potentials. Using the Sanggunian Kabataan as a force to implement more structured, holistic activities for youth development. Advocating wider and more comprehensive support systems for the elderly. Employing mental health practitioners more in the field, particularly in handling crisis cases, disaster management, familial support, and community planning.
5. Agricultural Reform: Not land reform, but rather the improvement of agricultural technology and practice in the rural areas. Updating existing technology and teaching the farmers to use these innovations. Promoting agricultural research. Realigning agricultural goals to be able to cope with climate change.
1. Educational Reform: Implementing standards for achievement tests--and requiring our schools and students to meet these standards. Making primary education compulsory. Offering incentives to keep children in school. Adding an extra year to our educational system to bring our standards up to international requirements. Improving technical-vocational education options to pursuing university education. Improving the qualifications of our public school teachers. Making sure that textbooks meet international standards!
2. Health System Reform: Accessibility to basic medical services in rural areas. Educating communities in basic health care. Giving incentives (continuing development, better hospitals, etc) to make the best of our young doctors and nurses stay in the Philippines! Licensing and monitoring our health service providers. Promoting natural/herbal medicines (and research on these substances) in lieu of resorting constantly to synthetic drugs.
3. Proper approaches to reproductive health issues: Promoting natural family planning instead of contraceptives. Educating the masses about natural family planning and the need to properly space/plan births. Getting it straight that we do not have a population problem, but rather we have a density problem in the cities---thus furthering the drive to improve rural areas so as to decongest urban neighborhoods. Revising the approach to sex education: emphasis on values and personal development instead of focusing solely on contraceptives, anatomy, and the sex act.
4. Promotion of mental wellbeing: Promoting awareness and understanding of psychological conditions in order to foster understanding and support in communities. Offering opportunities for people with learning impairments and other mental disorders to be able to cope with the effects of their conditions and enhance their potentials. Using the Sanggunian Kabataan as a force to implement more structured, holistic activities for youth development. Advocating wider and more comprehensive support systems for the elderly. Employing mental health practitioners more in the field, particularly in handling crisis cases, disaster management, familial support, and community planning.
5. Agricultural Reform: Not land reform, but rather the improvement of agricultural technology and practice in the rural areas. Updating existing technology and teaching the farmers to use these innovations. Promoting agricultural research. Realigning agricultural goals to be able to cope with climate change.
POSITIONS OPEN:
PRESIDENT
VICE-PRESIDENT
12 SENATORS
1 CONGRESSMAN (per district)
1 PARTY-LIST REPRESENTATIVE
1 GOVERNOR (in the provinces)
1 MAYOR
1 VICE-MAYOR
VICE-PRESIDENT
12 SENATORS
1 CONGRESSMAN (per district)
1 PARTY-LIST REPRESENTATIVE
1 GOVERNOR (in the provinces)
1 MAYOR
1 VICE-MAYOR
COUNCILORS
APPLICATION PERIOD: February 9-May 9 2010
DELIBERATIONS: May 10, 2010 (7am to 6pm)
INTEGRITY, PRINCIPLES, CREDIBLE TRACK RECORDS, LOVE FOR THE FILIPINO PEOPLE and a FEASIBLE POLITICAL PLAN are a MUST. Parties who are out for personal vindication, to amass more wealth, or who have no set plan for the next 6 years are strongly discouraged from pursuing their applications.
DELIBERATIONS: May 10, 2010 (7am to 6pm)
INTEGRITY, PRINCIPLES, CREDIBLE TRACK RECORDS, LOVE FOR THE FILIPINO PEOPLE and a FEASIBLE POLITICAL PLAN are a MUST. Parties who are out for personal vindication, to amass more wealth, or who have no set plan for the next 6 years are strongly discouraged from pursuing their applications.
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